Understanding Post-COVID-19 Social and Cultural Realities: Global Context

This book concentrates on the changing patterns of work and global social order as a result of COVID-19. It scrutinizes these changes in order to point out the possible reasons for these changes following COVID-19. It sheds light on the differences between the condition of underdeveloped and developed countries, focusing on how they struggle to find ways of coping. The pandemic has changed the global social order. It has an impact on every aspect of life around the globe, from individual relationships to institutional operations and international collaborations. Societies are endeavoring to protect themselves despite severe restrictions, while the pandemic continues to upset family relations and overturn governance. COVID-19 has made it clearer than ever before that where many strains on the social sector occur, the current global system, with its interconnectedness and vulnerabilities, is under threat. Due to the changing patterns of economic and societal elements caused by COVID-19, further research is urgently needed to analyze these changing trends. The book portrays what work and the global social order will look like in the future. It is essential reading for anyone interested in these changes and the pst-COVID-19 reality. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022, corrected publication 2022.

Developments in American politics 9

This textbook provides students of US Politics with an informed scholarly analysis of recent developments in the American political environment, using historical background to contextualize contemporary issues. As the ninth edition, this book reviews a time of political controversy in the United States, touching on topics such as gender, economic policy, gun control, immigration, the media, healthcare, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the widespread social protests against police brutality. The book looks both backwards to Trump's presidency and forward to Biden's. Ultimately, the editors and contributors evaluate the significance of these events on the future of American politics, providing a perspective that is at once broad and meticulous. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022. All rights reserved.

CRISIS-CONTAINING FACTORS OF THE PRC's DEVELOPMENT

In 2022–2023, China is entering a new stage of its development. The combination of a number of crisis-con-taining factors increases the likelihood of a large-scale socio-economic shock. Partly man-made excessive slowdown in economic development due to the "Zero COVID policy”, the ongoing and escalating US-Chinese rivalry and, in particular, the "technological war”, the over-concentration of power after the 20th Congress of the CPC, as well as the growing tension around the Taiwan problem – all together, or with the imposition of just two or three components, can lead to serious negative socio-economic consequences that will put into question Beijing's achievement of its second "centennial goal” – the establishment of the PRC as one of the leading world powers by 2049. With the exception of the domestic political sphere, China is trying to find answers to the above-mentioned challenges. In late 2022 – early 2023, Beijing removes anti-coronavirus restrictions, activates trade and economic cooperation in various formats, attempts to find out common ground between Chinese and American global interests, continues to make efforts in the European (also African, Asian, etc.) direction of its foreign policy, as well as emphasizes the high level of Russian-Chinese cooperation. At the same time, trying to provide answers to crisis-containing factors, Beijing faces both opportunities and limitations. The coming year or two seem to be most difficult for China over the last 20 years. The slowdown in the economy and domestic consumption, social protests, new challenges of the pandemic, the search for options to normalize relations with the United States, balancing between the West and Russia against the background of the Ukrainian crisis, etc. will require non-standard solutions from the Chinese leadership. Here we can expect both traditional successes and possible failures. In the near future, the political model chosen by Beijing at the 20th CPC Congress will be tested for effectiveness. © 2023 Vasily V. MIKHEEV.

Introduction

Taking for granted new perspectives of nationalism in China's twenty-first-century global politics, this book introduces the everyday micro and macro-social levels of political, cultural, and economic behaviours and practices of individuals and States in society. It analyses the transformations surrounding the public domain of States and their national boundaries. Indeed, examples ranging from the UK's withdrawal from the European Union (EU) to the global social contexts of the COVID-19 pandemic, including China's politics of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), have shown evidence of growing "global nationalism”. By putting the case of China's BRI, the book advances the multi-scale dimensions of nationalism. It inserts the double face of foreign public policy and global Chinese activities. Based on a sociological-political perspective, the book reveals interactions emerging from "inside” and "outside” domains of States and their public actions. It also shows evidence of the role of culture in the global political economy. In addition, China's BRI puts forward distinct roles of culture, interests, and economy. These interactions run as the key features of the reception of the Chinese foreign policy. Specifically, technologies, development projects, trade, agro-industry, cyber-technologies, expertise, labour, military, and individuals and States' normative ambitions disclose new perspectives on nationalism and political economy. Contributors in this book explore these transactions between nationalism and economic politics by drawing on different cases from Africa, the Middle East, Europe, Asia, and Latin America. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022.

Lt Gen Kamal Davar says... India and the new geopolitical churnings

According to the WHO, this virus still exists in many parts of the globe in some form or the other. After the end of the Cold War in the early 90s, the global geopolitical and geo-economic divide, consequent to the ongoing Russo-Ukraine War, has never been so harshly polarised. [...]it is pertinent to note what President Xi had spoken recently in the National People's Congress stating that he will endeavour to "more quickly elevating the armed forces to world-class standards-and make it a great wall of steel." Importantly, for decades, India does carry some moral authority with itself with its foreign policy based on the Nehruvian concept of nonalignment now aptly called 'strategic autonomy' which has been long respected by the 'third world' now referred to as the 'global south'.

NOTE FROM THE EDITOR: Presidential Tweets, the U.S.–U.K. Free Trade Agreement, Humanitarian Intervention, and China's Bilateral Relations

" Words Matter: Presidents Obama and Trump, Twitter, and U.S. Soft Power. Graph [9] concentrate on the issues that soured the initial optimism for a U.S.-U.K. free trade agreement between President Trump and Prime Minister Johnson which did not come to its planned fruition by 2020. EN Social Media Foreign Policy Twitter Soft Power Obama Trump Boris Johnson Humanitarian Intervention President Clinton Bosnia Kosovo China Sri-Lanka Kazakhstan South Korea ASEAN Sub-Saharan Africa Information Technology. NOTE FROM THE EDITOR: Presidential Tweets, the U.S.-U.K. Free Trade Agreement, Humanitarian Intervention, and China's Bilateral Relations. [Extracted from the article] Copyright of World Affairs is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full . (Copyright applies to all s.)

Nuances of Public Diplomacy: China in Chilean Op-Eds (2018-2021)

This paper explores editorials and opinion columns published in four Chilean mainstream newspapers and analyzes how China is represented within the context of Chinese economic advances in the region and the contextual narratives surrounding bilateral relations. Through a content analysis of editorials and opinion pieces of elite media between 2018 and 2021, this study allows an understanding of how China and its growing influence are perceived locally. Ultimately, despite an overall alignment with China's public diplomacy centered around an economiccommercial dimension, there are still nuances in how China is represented in Chilean op-eds.

Public diplomacy in an age of perpetual crisis: assessing the EU's strategic narratives through six crises

PurposeThe purpose of this research is to identify the strengths and weaknesses of the EU's public diplomacy – towards both domestic and external audiences – during times of crisis. The EU's public diplomacy is examined across six major crises: the Eurozone crisis (2008), the Ukrainian crisis (2014), the migrant crisis (2015), the Brexit referendum (2016), the new transatlantic relationship (2017) and the COVID-19 pandemic (2019). The goal of examining these crises in conjunction is to derive policy-relevant insights.Design/methodology/approachThis article adopts a problem-driven approach – the problem being how successful is the EU at public diplomacy during times of crisis – that draws theoretical and empirical insights from Communication Studies, International Relations and EU studies via a "strategic narratives” framework. It situates the EU as a unique public diplomacy actor, one which is becoming more prominent due to the mediatisation of diplomacy, especially driven by the advent of cyberspace.FindingsThe article finds that the EU has been experiencing a cycle of crises that have affected the political, economic, symbolic and social foundations of the common project. The EU has had some notable success – such as restoring confidence at the height of the Eurozone crisis – and some notable challenges – such as effectively combatting disinformation. Regardless, the EU has the potential to better manage these and future crises by engaging in an effective public diplomacy strategy that tells a shared European story that informs and inspires people, both domestically and externally.Originality/valueThe article offers an original examination of the EU's public diplomacy response to six different crises. It looks at different types of crises and utilises concepts from different social science perspectives. It offers novel strategic and policy recommendations.

An intermestic approach to China's public diplomacy: a case study of Beijing's COVID-19 communication in the early stages

PurposeThe aim of this study was to examine the early stages of the COVID-19 outbreak and the international communication management of Chinese diplomats as a case for extending the definition of intermestic public diplomacy. The goal was to reveal how Beijing subtly used both domestic and foreign social media to organize a network for communication about COVID-19 and purposefully soften the highly centralized and hierarchical political propaganda of the Communist Party of China (CPC).Design/methodology/approachBased on the literature on digital public diplomacy, the authors applied the existing concept of intermestic to Chinese politics in order to demonstrate the digitalization of public diplomacy, along with its forms and strategies under an authoritarian regime. A hybrid methodology combining quantitative network analysis and qualitative discourse analysis permits examination of China's intermestic online communication network dynamics, shedding light on how such an intermestic practice promoted Chinese values and power to international publics in the early stages of the COVID-19 crisis.FindingsThe authors' findings extend the implications of intermestic public diplomacy from a democratic context to an authoritarian one. By analyzing the content of public diplomacy and para-diplomatic social media accounts in China and abroad at the beginning of the COVID-19 crisis, the authors outlined China's early crisis management, explaining its intermestic public diplomacy transmission modes and strategies. Moreover, the authors identified changes in the narrative strategies of Chinese diplomats and journalists during this process.Social implicationsThe findings of this study underline that Beijing established a narrative-making virtual communication structure for disseminating favorable Chinese strategic narratives and voices through differentiated communication on domestic and foreign social media platforms. Such intermestic communication strategies were particularly evident and even further weaponized by Beijing in its large-scale Wolf Warrior diplomacy in the spring of 2020. Thus, the study's findings help readers understand how China digitalized its public diplomacy, its digital communication patterns and strategies.Originality/valueOn the one hand, geopolitical uncertainty and the popularity of social media have contributed to the evolution of the intermestic model of public diplomacy. This model allows actors to coordinate homogenous and differentiated communication practices to deploy their influence. On the other hand, the authors did not examine how intermestic audiences perceive and receive public diplomacy practices. In future studies, scholars should measure the agenda-setting capacity of diplomatic actors by examining the effects of such intermestic communication efforts.

The Geopolitics of Anti-Asian Violence: Cold War Contradictions In the Era of "Building Back Better"

In this formulation, the US-ROK Alliance—what the State Department deems the "linchpin of peace, security, and prosperity" in the region—stands not as a form of military occupation or imperial clientelism, but one of righteous defense from regional bogeyman such as the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK).3 The endemic violence of US militarism—from sexual exploitation in military "camptowns" to the extralegal status of US servicemen—is rendered a mere footnote to a program of liberal internationalism which claims to preside over what the US military euphemistically terms a "Free and Open Indo-Pacific. "4 Blinken's easy distinction between the singular act of the Atlanta shootings and the routinized violence of US imperialism speaks to the contradictions at the heart of the Biden administration's aspiration to restore both racial liberalism and global US power.5 Since the campaign trail, platitudes about restoring global US leadership have made up the core of the Biden administration's foreign policy platform. [...]Biden pitched his presidency as a means to reinstate the era of racial liberalism in order to "restore the soul of the nation" from the crude racism of the Trump era.7 Asian /Americans have been cast to perform the work of legitimation under the intersecting projects of racial liberalism and US hegemony—from the symbolic inclusion of Asian /Americans into the US national body to the incorporation of allied Asian states into a US-led orbit of militarized peace.8 On the one hand, Asian /Americans have become a performative symbol of a reascendant racial liberalism. What does it mean, then, in a region still shaped by Cold War imperialism, to proclaim that "America is back," as Kamala Harris did on her first trip to Asia as Vice President in August 2021?13 Even more, how do we make sense of the declaration of a "new" Cold War, emerging as it does from the unfinished business of an "old" Cold War that never ended?

Transformations of Medical and Vaccine Diplomacies in the COVID-19 Era

The pandemic has produced the global COVID-19 vaccine market with various stakeholders acting in their economic self-interest. At the same time, some governments use vaccines for pursuing national interests and expanding their international influence. Using scientific works on the topic and documents from WHO, GAVI, WTO, IMF, government documents and think tank reports, the author analyzes vaccine diplomacy as a branch of medical diplomacy and identifies changes that occur under pandemic impact. The article examines the current policy of China, as it has achieved the most notable success in medical services export, primarily to developing countries, and Chinese pharmaceutical companies play a prominent role in the global vaccine market. It raises serious concerns of the West, which accuses Beijing of using coronacrisis to establish a new (China-centric) world order. It is concluded that government capacity to protect public health and control epidemic spread is among the significant criteria for evaluating the effectiveness of State policy, and its own vaccine industry begins to be regarded as an important element of national security. There is also a considerable increase in the role of healthcare in foreign policy of a number of States using medical and vaccine diplomacies as a means of achieving political goals. COVID-19 vaccines are becoming a strategic asset that affects the country's position on the world stage and generates a new field of geopolitical rivalry. But at the same time, vaccine diplomacy could serve as a dialogue platform in cases when interstate relations are in a deep crisis. And it may lead to awareness of the need to train specialists in the field of medical diplomacy.

Ine Marie Eriksen Soreide, Norway's Foreign Minister 2017-2021

This article is a summing up of Ine Marie Eriksen Sereide's work as Norway's foreign minister in the years 2017-2021. The first part assesses Sereide's room for manoeuvre. Domestically, this was excellent, although Sereide's boss, the prime minister, broke one of her bats for domestic reasons and grounded her during the Covid lockdowns. Internationally, Sereide had to deal with Donald Trump, arguably the weakest and least engaged president the United States has had since its civil war. She also had to stand up to the increasingly aggres-sive policy of neighbouring Russia. Sereide steered the ship of state with a steady hand. She was, however, less than loyal to her employees, and demon-strated little creativity. Still, she must be ranked as the best foreign minister from the bourgeois side of the floor over the last half century.

BEIJING'S PAIN POINTS - 3 (The Change of Economic Model and Foreign Policy Risks)

The consequences of COVID-19, both inside and outside China, especially in the countries - major importers of Chinese products, have negatively impacted the Chinese economy. These negative socio-economic consequences forced Beijing to accelerate the transition to a relatively new economic development model, which was marked in the early 2000s. The main component of this model is the expansion of domestic consumption and, accordingly, a further increase of the contribution of this indicator to the Chinese GDP itself and of its growth rate. However, this does not mean that China will abandon economic expansion and the implementation of its foreign economic and initiatives. Their importance as structural parts of the new economic model will continue and even grow. The acceleration of the transition to the dominance of domestic consumption in economic development is additionally conditioned by the foreign policy deadlock in which China found itself at the end of 2020. Despite the world's fastest economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic, China has been unable to take advantage of this advantage effectively. Chinese "mask" diplomacy did not bring the desired results for Beijing - the PRC was not able to raise the leader's torch temporarily lost by the United States. On the contrary, under the influence of Western propaganda, the contradiction in the perception of China as "our own" in the market sphere and "an alien" in the sphere of ideology has intensified. At the same time, due to increased competition in high-tech markets, in particular, 5G communication technologies, the ideological "alienation" of China is beginning to be used by Western countries in market wars in their favor. The forecast of economic development both by international and Chinese experts assumes the growth rate of China's GDP in 2021 will be in the range of 6-8%. In our opinion, this is an overly optimistic estimate, and the corresponding figure will probably be 5-6%. The PRC is entering the 14th Five-Year Plan amid greater uncertainty: the prospects for the recovery of the world economy as a whole and, in particular, of the main Chinese trading partners, are not clear;limited instability is possible due to the accelerated change in the model of economic development;the volume of Chinese GDP has reached more than 15 trillion USD, therefore, each percent of its growth has become significantly "heavier" and more difficult to achieve. At the same time, the primacy in economic recovery and the continued potential for the expansion of the Chinese middle class bring positive contribution to the economic prospects of the PRC.

The Effect of Economic Policy Uncertainty on Foreign Direct Investment in the Era of Global Value Chain: Evidence from the Asian Countries

The global value chain has promoted foreign direct investments in emerging markets. Not only resources but also public policies can affect the inflows or outflows of foreign direct investments (FDI). This study investigates the effect of economic policy uncertainty on net foreign direct investment inflows in 48 Asian countries. We use the panel dataset from different sources from 1995 to 2020. Our core dependent variable is net foreign direct investment inflows, and the explanatory variable is economic policy uncertainty. The study's control variables include trade, GDP per capita, GDP growth, population, financial development, inflation, and employment. We use the generalized system method of moment (SYS_GMM). Furthermore, the robustness of our empirical results is checked by using the different proxy variables of policy uncertainty. Our results confirm the negative effect of policy uncertainty on foreign direct investment inflows in 48 Asian countries. Our results show that foreign investment inflows are more sensitive than domestic investment. The influence of domestic and global uncertainty on inward FDI is greater than domestic investment. Furthermore, the interaction effect of financial development (FD) shows that FD does not affect mitigation of the negative impact of global economic policy uncertainty on foreign investment inflow. In contrast, FD mitigates the adverse effects of domestic policy uncertainty on foreign and domestic investment. The findings imply that policies need to be attractive, effective, and transparent to woo FDI to the emerging markets.

The Political Economy of Pandemic Management in India

India responded to the COVID-19 abruptly, without considering the socio-economic life of the majority of people in India, the sheer diversity of the country, and the large number of people in the informal sector. A nationwide lockdown using the Disaster Management Act 2005 enabled the Union government to sway over the entire country, although health is a state subject in the federal system. India used the opportunity to highlight its credentials as the "pharmacy of the world” by sending medical supplies to over a hundred countries. This chapter will deal with conflicts, contestations, and the foreign policy fallout and gains following the onset of the pandemic and the measures adopted by the Union government to cope with them, with less focus on the economic and epidemiological aspects of pandemic management. The chapter looks at previous studies, press reports, and press releases by government agencies to collect the needed data. A descriptive and analytical approach is followed in the chapter. © 2023, The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG.

Ethical Failures of the COVID-19 Pandemic Response

This book draws attention to the non-biological—political, economic, societal and cultural—variables shaping both the emergence and persistence of the COVID-19 pandemic and the global response to it, with a particular focus on political decisionmakers' role in the domestic and international politics surrounding the process of the pandemic. The book identifies the strategic and underlying ethical failures of decision making, using a process-tracing approach to reconstruct considerations, decisions and actions by key leaders—interested in thus weaving a global narrative of the response. The author highlights key speech acts, and interprets the causal implications embedded in a chronological and contextualised appraisal of events, statements and public health measures. The book further discusses the normative ethics of pandemic response, and presents lessons drawn from the present experience. It also offers a normative analysis taking into consideration pre-pandemic guidelines for response, including in the literature of public health ethics and pandemic preparedness plans. © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022.

Israel's COVID-19 Diplomacy in Sub-Saharan Africa and Central Europe

Israel's aid initiatives have historically been facilitated through the Agency for International Development Cooperation (MASHAV). However, the COVID-19 pandemic impacted MASHAVs ability to provide assistance due to budget cuts and government instability. As such, Israel's COVID-19 diplomacy initiative took on greater importance in maintaining its presence and reputation internationally. This article analyzes Israel's approach to COVID-19 diplomacy, which involved providing medical teams, PPE, and surplus vaccines to approximately 20 countries, and examines the political and strategic calculations behind Israel's decision to extend assistance to specific countries. The article argues that Israel's COVID-19 diplomacy initiative was more limited in scope and geography compared to other countries with similar economic development levels, and aid efforts were concentrated in regions where Israel has sought to increase its involvement in recent years, particularly sub-Saharan Africa and Central Europe. Finally, the article assesses the impact of Israel's COVID-19 diplomacy initiative on its diplomatic relations with recipient countries and the broader international community.

Health and Vaccine Diplomacy in Russia's Foreign Policy

This chapter deals with the Russian Federation's management of the COVID-19 crisis in its foreign policy through health diplomacy. First, it looks at Russia's strategy globally and then focuses on two case studies: Belarus and Italy. As shown by the analysis of the case studies, there have been at least two main phases in Russia's external response to the pandemic. In the first phase, Russia used health diplomacy and helped other countries (e.g., Italy) struggling with the pandemic, seeking to rebrand itself as a benevolent actor and generous actor. In the second phase, Russia took part in the vaccine race. As a result, it became the first country to register a COVID-19 vaccine—despite accusations of disregarding scientific standards—to boast its scientific excellence internationally and boost national pride among its citizens. Finally, the chapter acknowledges the spillovers of Russia's invasion of Ukraine for its health and vaccine diplomacy. Indeed, Russian companies and institutions must face the consequences of the war, which can further dilapidate the reputation built in the first phase of COVID-19 spreading. © 2023, The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG.